Hannibal carried a Carthaginian army over the Alps, destroyed a Roman army at Cannae, and kept the war on Italian soil for sixteen years. The record of him is kept entirely by the other side, and it begins with a ledger. Polybius, the Greek analyst of Rome's rise (2nd century BCE), an Achaean detainee writing in Rome itself (Evelyn S. Shuckburgh's 1889 translation), counts Cannae like a clerk: of six thousand horse, seventy escaped, while of the infantry that stood in the line "all the rest died nobly, to the number of seventy thousand". His sharpest portrait is indirect — when the senate refused to ransom the eight thousand prisoners he took, Hannibal was less gladdened by the victory than staggered by the temper of the men he had beaten.
Livy (c. 27 BCE–17 CE; of his 142 Latin books only 1–10 and 21–45 are extant; Rev. Canon Roberts's 1912 translation) holds Rome's own vantage, and it opens in admiration: as the armies first faced one another near the Ticinus, he grants that Hannibal "had not only dared to attempt but had actually accomplished the passage of the Alps". Sixteen years on, his Romans rehearse the life-shape with dread — reared amid arms in his father's headquarters, a soldier in boyhood, a commander scarcely out of his teens — and tell each other that the seat of danger has changed, not the danger.
Plutarch, writing under Trajan (c. 100 CE; Bernadotte Perrin's 1914–1926 translation), shelves him only inside the lives of the men sent against him — Fabius Maximus, Marcellus, Titus Flamininus — where he is measured enemy by enemy until he stands "worn out with fighting Marcellus, and afraid of Fabius when not fighting".
Where the shelves cross, the record argues with itself. The talk at Ephesus — Hannibal ranking Alexander first, Pyrrhus second, himself third, Scipio smiling at the answer — reaches Livy through a named chain, "Claudius, following Acilius who wrote in Greek", and returns reworded in Plutarch's Titus Flamininus. The same life serves the death in variants: at Prusias' court in Bithynia, near a village called Libyssa, Titus deaf to the king's intercessions, his seven underground exits met by the king's guards, the old man ended it — by a cloak twisted at the throat, some say, or bull's blood after the manner of Themistocles; "but Livy says that he had poison". When the story reached the senate, many found Titus "odious, officious, and cruel"; and some there were, Plutarch adds, who held a living Hannibal a fire that wanted fanning. Every witness on this shelf wrote from the side that fought him — what would the file hold if the defeated had kept their own?
Sources: Plb. 3.117 · Plb. 6.58 · Liv. 21.39 · Liv. 30.28 · Liv. 35.14 · Plut. Fabius Maximus 19 · Plut. Marcellus 24 · Plut. Titus Flamininus 20 · Plut. Titus Flamininus 21